Z przyjemnością informujemy, że ukazał się już zeszyt 2 rocznika 2018. Zapraszamy do zapoznania się ze spisem treści i abstraktami artykułów.

ALEKSANDRA JAKUBCZAK — „Pogrom alfonsów” jako eskalacja konfliktu między
członkami półświatka a robotnikami .........................................................................185
ANETA NISIOBĘCKA — Rząd francuski wobec powrotu polskiej emigracji zarobkowej
w latach 1945–1949 ....................................................................................................203
PIOTR ZWIERZCHOWSKI — Oswajanie tabu seksualnego w kinie PRL ......................225
SVEN EKDAHL — Battlefield Archaeology at Grunwald (Tannenberg, Žalgiris)
A Polish-Scandinavian Research Project during the period 2014–2017.....................239
EDWARD J. NALEPA — Wojskowe koszty stanu wojennego w Polsce ..........................267
ANDRZEJ KOBYLIŃSKI — Homoseksualizm i kapłaństwo w Kościele katolickim
na przestrzeni wieków .................................................................................................283
DARIUSZ JAROSZ — Polska 1956–1957 odczytana na nowo
(Jerzy Kochanowski, Rewolucja międzypaździernikowa. Polska 1956–1957,
Znak, Kraków 2017) ................................................................................................... 311
MARIUSZ GUZEK — Filmowa pamięć historyczna dekadami mierzona
(Piotr Kurpiewski, Historia na ekranie Polski Ludowej, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu
Gdańskiego, Gdańsk 2017) ................................................................................................ 323
KAROLINA MORAWSKA — Polskie pożegnanie z bocianem? Na marginesie książki
Agnieszki Kościańskiej, Zobaczyć łosia. Historia polskiej edukacji seksualnej
od pierwszej lekcji do internetu, Wydawnictwo Czarne, Wołowiec 2017 .....................331
* * *
Cecilia M. Gaposchkin, Invisible Weapons. Liturgy and the Making of the Crusade
Ideology, Cornell University Press, Ithaca–London 2017 (Konrad F. Komarnicki) .......344
Albrecht Classen, The Forest in Medieval German Literature: Ecocritical Readings
from a Historical Perspective, Lexington Books,
Lanham–Boulder–New York–London 2015 (Igor Rosa) ..........................................347


Columbia University

The “pogrom of the pimps” as an escalation of the conflict
between members of the underworld and workers

For several days in late May 1905 Warsaw workers and craftsmen, mostly of Jewish origin, smashed up brothels, private dwellings of members of the underworld and well-known criminal dens. The events quickly became known as the “pogrom of the pimps”. Observers at the time as well as historians opted for very different interpretations of the incidents. Mass attacks on brothels and criminals were seen as a moral crusade of the Warsaw proletariat, a revolutionary campaign organised by one of the left-leaning organisations (e.g. Bund), a counterrevolutionary campaign inspired by Russia or a Russian provocation to bring about a pogrom of the Jews. The author of the article presents the Warsaw disturbances of 1905 from a perspective that has been marginalised so far – that of tension between the underworld and members of the workers’ movement. The conflict between the two groups became even more bitter on the eve of the revolution, when members of the underworld, acting for foremen and the police, would terrorise the workers who went on strike. Revolutionary ideas and slogans of left-wing organisations mobilised workers to organise themselves and form groups that would protect people living in the Jewish district against criminals. On 23 May a private dispute between a worker and a member of the underworld became the flashpoint that ignited the riots. The “pogrom of the pimps” marked an escalation of the existing conflict between the underworld and the workers, but was not an isolated incident. Attacks on criminals and brothels run by members of the underworld continued on a smaller scale throughout the Russian Empire for two more years.


Instytut Pamięci Narodowej

The French government and the return of Polish economic migrants in 1945–1949

The return of Polish economic migrants became possible thanks to four agreements concluded between Poland and France: of 20 February, 10 September and 28 November 1946, and 24 February 1948. The migratory movement from France to Poland was not without influence on the bilateral Polish-French relations in the Cold War period. Owing to the catastrophic demographic and economic situation, for both Poland and France (despite differences in the level of development between the two states) the post-war period was a time of privation, which is why rebuilding their respective economies was important for the governments of the two countries. The French government was aware that the outflow of well-qualified workers, primarily miners, from France to Poland would prove destructive to the industrial sector. On the other hand, for Poland the return of the migrants meant a recovery of well-qualified labour needed in the mines of Lower and Upper Silesia. An analysis of post-war ministerial documents of the Polish and French governments makes it possible to conclude that from the beginning of the negotiations Paris consistently sought not only to keep foreign workers in France but also to recruit new ones. Its rational policy brought the intended result. Under the four migration agreements, out of the expected forty thousand families only just two-thirds, i.e. around twenty five thousand, returned to Poland.


Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego w Bydgoszczy

Instytut Filologii Polskiej i Kulturoznawstwa

Making sexual taboos familiar in communist Poland’s cinema

Cinema in communist Poland often tackled sexual topics, including taboos like ménage à trois, incest, sexual freedom, underage sex, prostitution, promiscuity, sadomasochism, sexual violence and homosexuality to depict the conflict between bourgeois and religious traditionalism on the one hand, and social transformations and modernity of the socialist society on the other. Cinema in that period was varied, so generalisations may be misleading. However, the examples given by the author show that quite often despite its self-proclaimed modernity cinema sought to reduce the tension associated with sexual taboos rather than change the status quo, an approach that stemmed both from the political, ideological and social specificity of culture at the time, and from perception of sexuality by the Poles. The article focuses on the ways in which this was achieved: references to genre cinema, especially comedy, silence, transfer of the subject matter to the past or legend, visual caution.

Film representations of the taboos take into account both the permanence and changing nature of social norms, doctrinal discipline and viewers’ expectations. The analysed films – Trudna miłość / Difficult Love (1953) by Stanisław Różewicz, Dwa żebra Adama / Adam’s Two Ribs (1963) by Janusz Morgenstern, Seksolatki / Sexeenagers (1972) by Zygmunt Hübner, Stanisław i Anna / Stanisław and Anna (1985) by Kazimierz Konrad and Piotr Stefaniak, and Co lubią tygrysy / What Do the Tigers Like (1989) by Krzysztof Nowak – deal with different taboos and were made in different periods, the first in the Stalinist era, the last on the eve of the political and social change in Poland. This makes it possible to notice in their ways of making sexual taboos familiar universal phenomena as well as differences stemming from their contexts.


Polish-Scandinavian Research Institute, Copenhagen

University of Gothenburg

Battlefield Archaeology at Grunwald (Tannenberg, Žalgiris).
A Polish-Scandinavian Research Project during the period 2014–2017

On July 15, 1410 allied Polish and Lithuanian armies won an important victory over the Prussian branch of the Teutonic Order in fields around the villages of Tannenberg (Polish: Stębark), Grünfelde (Polish: Grunwald), and Ludwigsdorf (Polish: Łodwigowo) in Prussia. After the Second World War this part of Prussia was ceded permanently to Poland. The victory of 1410 was fundamental in forming the national identity of many countries in central and eastern Europe and it is thus the subject of intensive research. In 2014, an important international research project was initiated between the Grunwald Museum (Muzeum Bitwy pod Grunwaldem w Stębarku) and the Danish Archaeological Society Harja. Its aim was to try and locate the battlefield(s) of 1410 with metal detectors equipped with GPS. This essay presents the main outlines of the survey 2014-2017 and its overwhelming results. A total of 450 hectares were investigated during almost 3000 search hours. Many military artefacts were found, mainly crossbow bolts and arrowheads but also spearheads, axes, knives, and parts of swords, spurs, gauntlets, bits, horseshoes etc. In 2016, several anomalies consisting of pits of different sizes, shapes and depths were found by a Lithuanian GPR team on fields between Grunwald and Łodwigowo. This raises the question whether some of them could possibly be mass graves from the battle. An archaeological excavation is essential to establish this. In any event, we now know where the main battle(s) of 1410 took place: east and south of the village of Grunwald. The old question has finally been answered. This success can be attributed to the fact that the project was based on a cooperation between several nations: Poland, Denmark, Norway, Great Britain and Lithuania, as well as – through the research of the author – Sweden. The Grunwald Museum and its management deserve many thanks for taking the initiative in this successful project in cooperation with the Danish Archaeological Society Harja. It is undoubtedly a milestone in the history of medieval battlefield research.


Uniwersytet Jana Kochanowskiego

Filia w Piotrkowie Trybunalskim

The military costs of martial law in Poland

The newly published documents fill a significant research gap relating to the military costs of martial law in Poland. The documents, which come from the Central Military Archives, are undoubtedly a reliable scholarly source, as they were produced at the time – in late 1982 – in the central organisational unit of the General Staff of the Polish Armed Forces. Both analysed documents (notes) show unequivocally that in the crucial – in political and military terms – period of the “war against the nation”, i.e. from 13 until 31 December 1981 the army spent about 2.6 billion Polish zlotys (in 1981 money), which amounted to about 4% of the Ministry of Defence’s total budget for 1981 (about 71.5 billion).The funds were spent in two basic areas of the functioning of the armed forces in the regime of combat readiness in case of a military threat to the state introduced at the time. The first was associated with the running, maintenance and repair costs of tanks and other vehicles as well

as the basic technical and quartermaster equipment for the army, air force and navy. These costs amounted to a total of about 1.426 billion zlotys. The other area generating the highest costs in connection with the introduction of martial law was maintaining the headcount of the armed forces. According to the General Staff’s estimates, only in 13–31 December 1981 the costs amounted to 1.13 billion and in 1982 – apparently around 8.4 billion.

The above data do not include the cost – estimated at approximately 232 million zlotys (in 1982 money) – of supplies (arms and chemical equipment, quartermaster equipment and supplies) transferred by the Ministry of Defence to the Ministry of Internal Affairs. It should be noted, however, that the military costs of the introduction of martial law did not constitute amounts that were significant for the state budget and the Polish economy in the macro scale.


Uniwersytet Kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego

Instytut Filozofii

Homosexuality and the Priesthood in the Catholic Church over the centuries

The main purpose of this article is to present the relationship between homosexuality and the priesthood in the Catholic Church over the centuries. The analysis reveals that the phenomenon of homosexuality splits more and more the Christian world. For two millennia in the Catholic Church there was not a formal prohibition of priestly ordination for gay people. The real revolution in this matter took place in November 2005 when Instruction Concerning the Criteria for the Discernment of Vocations with regard to Persons with Homosexual Tendencies in view of their Admission to the Seminary and to Holy Orders was published in Rome by the Congregation for Catholic Education.

According to this document, the Church cannot admit to the seminary or to Holy Orders those who practice homosexuality, present deep-seated homosexual tendencies or support the so-called „gay culture”. Deep-seated homosexual tendencies, which are found in a number of men and women, are also objectively disordered and, for those same people, often constitute a trial. Such persons, in fact, find themselves in a situation that gravely hinders them from relating correctly to men and women. One must in no way overlook the negative consequences that can derive from the ordination of persons with deep-seated homosexual tendencies.

The crucial question for Catholics, that has rather the ontological character than moral, concerns the vision of the priest who acts in the person of Christ (in persona Christi). The understanding of the essential elements of the conformity of the Catholic priest to Christ seems to be crucial for the correct interpretation of the relationship between homosexuality and the priesthood.